When diplomacy enters the mines

Extractive disputes are not confined to negotiation rooms. Behind the scenes, diplomatic missions often stand alongside their industrial champions, revealing just how deeply intertwined diplomacy and the mining economy have become.

Mining disputes are not played out solely between states and companies. They very quickly turn into diplomatic matters, in which embassies and networks of influence—more or less openly—support their national actors.

In Mali, as elsewhere, Canada closely monitors the interests of its extractive companies. In Bamako, Ambassador Nicolas Simard has publicly referred to the challenges facing the gold sector, at a time when Canadian groups dominate industrial production. In Zambia, First Quantum Minerals, a major Canadian copper producer, has faced tax and contractual disputes valued at more than US$1 billion (over CFA 600 billion). While not officially acting as lobbyists, Canadian diplomatic channels accompanied discussions between Lusaka and the company, keen to safeguard strategic investments.

China, for its part, closely links its diplomacy to its major mining projects. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the dispute between the state and China Molybdenum over the giant Tenke Fungurume mine illustrated this proximity: export blockages, disagreements over royalties, followed by a compromise in 2023. Beijing exerted influence behind the scenes to ensure that cobalt production—essential for batteries—was not interrupted, confirming the political dimension of its investments.

Russia has likewise sought to secure its presence in Guinea through Rusal, a key player in the bauxite sector. Guinean projects, including the vast Simandou deposit, have been the subject of recurring tensions with Conakry. Here again, Moscow’s diplomatic backing—through official statements and bilateral meetings—has aimed to protect the positions held by its companies.

Finally, Niger offers a recent illustration in which asserted sovereignty has taken precedence. In 2025, the state withdrew Orano’s strategic licences, nationalised Somair and initiated proceedings against the French company following the arrest of executives and the seizure of equipment. In the same year, three Chinese oil-sector officials were expelled for failing to comply with local employment rules and wage equality requirements. These unilateral decisions, taken in the absence of visible diplomatic mediation, reflect Niamey’s determination to impose its terms, even at the risk of provoking tensions with foreign partners.

These examples remind us that mining arbitrations quickly extend beyond the strictly economic sphere. Defending a national company abroad also means defending a space of influence and prestige: a diplomacy of mining that is emerging as one of the new geopolitical fronts of the twenty-first century.

By T.Z.